Poroshenko let slip his nationality. Leo is thin: Poroshenko is not Waltzman! demo credits on the account are all Mega Fortune machines, which can be customized to your own

Poroshenko let slip his nationality.  Leo is thin: Poroshenko is not Waltzman!  demo credits on the account are all Mega Fortune machines, which can be customized to your own
Poroshenko let slip his nationality. Leo is thin: Poroshenko is not Waltzman! demo credits on the account are all Mega Fortune machines, which can be customized to your own

Secrets of the biography of Petro Poroshenko

During the election race, presidential candidate Petro Poroshenko said that he could raise Ukraine in the same way as he built his business - practically from scratch. In Transnistria, a city with such a telling name today - Bendery, which keeps the main secrets of the biography of Petro Poroshenko, they believe that this is not entirely true.

Poroshenko family secrets


The exemplary family of Petro Poroshenko, all in Ukrainian embroidered shirts: wife Marina and four children

An ardent European integrator, Poroshenko was born and raised in the most international places - he was born in the Odessa region, and at the age of 7, together with his parents and brother, he moved to Moldova (today Transnistria), to the city of Bendery. It is in this city that the carefully guarded secret of the new president is kept - the criminal case against the father of Petro Poroshenko, for which he was sentenced to 5 years in 1986.

“We all know that Petro Poroshenko’s initial capital and connections were given to him by his father, who was an influential and, for Soviet times, very enterprising man - he headed a repair plant in our city,” political scientist from Transnistria Anatoly Panin told us.

“Petrukha, as we called him then, was, of course, by today’s standards a golden youth, but in front of us, friends, he did not flaunt it,” said Poroshenko’s childhood friend Konstantin Nastenko. – To the river, to barbecue, to fight with someone – Poroshenko was the first everywhere. We were equally lost on the street, but Petya always managed to study with straight A's - he simply grasped everything on the fly.

“He has all A’s on his certificate, but his behavior is satisfactory, and that’s the only reason he wasn’t given a gold medal,” says school director Lyudmila Klepachevskaya.

– Poroshenko went out into the street like a dude - in fashionable jeans and sunglasses, and could return home with only glass and bent temples - he never shied away from a fight. What can I hide, I could have provoked it myself,” recalls friend Sergei Babenko.

http://dosye.com.ua/articles/2014-05-26/potomstven...petr-poroshenko-valcman/68306/ How and why the father of the new president of Ukraine was imprisoned
https://www.facebook.com/alexandr.adamchuk/posts/788329037844118:0 The real name of Petro Poroshenko is Valtsman. Poroshenko is the surname of the oligarch’s mother, who is also Jewish.
http://izrus.co.il/dvuhstoronka/article/2014-05-27/24541.html The elected president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, has no Jewish roots.
http://izrus.co.il/diasporaIL/article/2014-05-26/24530.html A video recording of an interview with Yakov Dov Bleich, the chief rabbi of Kyiv, dated 2007, gives rise to doubts about the nationality of businessman and politician Petro Poroshenko. Is the newly elected president of Ukraine a Jew?
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VcbwRNkOk28 Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine Yakov Dov Bleich: Poroshenko is a Jew, program Prihovane zhittya, 2007, 1+1


The owner of “factories, newspapers, ships,” and since yesterday the President of Ukraine, elected in the first round of elections, Petro Poroshenko deeply honors the memory of his relatives. For example, in memory of his brother, a businessman, who died during a gang war in 1997, he built a chapel at Askold’s grave (by a strange coincidence, right next to it, two decades later, Right Sector militants who died in clashes with Berkut will be buried) ), and also called “Mikhail Poroshenko” a dry cargo ship built at the controlled shipbuilding plant “Leninskaya Kuznitsa” - this plant was still operating at full capacity. He appointed his son Alexey as the “supervisor” of the base region of the Poroshenko family - Vinnytsia. Oddly enough, Poroshenko Jr. was elected to the regional council here with the support of the Batkivshchyna party of Yulia Tymoshenko, Pyotr Alekseevich’s main competitor in the recent elections. In the Vinnytsia region, Petro Poroshenko tried to get his father into parliament in one of the majority constituencies. But very soon this “independent” candidate had to be removed from the election race. And it was not the poor health of Alexei Ivanovich, as stated in the official explanation, that became the reason for this. During the election campaign of Poroshenko-grandfather, some details of his biography surfaced that the family of Poroshenko-president would not like to make public.


Russian political scientist Oleg Matveychev in his blog publishes the results of his own investigation into the early years of the new Ukrainian president and the role of his father’s unsightly activities in the biography of our hero. Let's start with the fact that Pyotr Alekseevich does not really like to remember that Poroshenko is not the real name of his father. According to documents, born Alexei Valtsman, having married Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko in 1956, took his wife’s surname. In principle, the action is understandable: with the beginning of mass emigration to Israel, the authorities increasingly looked at Jews as potential fugitives from the USSR, universities had unspoken quotas for admitting representatives of unreliable nationalities, and it was unlikely that Peter Valtsman would have the opportunity to enroll in 1982 to the “fat” Faculty of International Relations and International Law of Kyiv State University. Let us repeat that tens of thousands of people did this at that time, and there would be nothing wrong with that. Moreover, the current Ukrainian president does not like to remember his Jewish roots; he reacted very painfully, for example, to his inclusion by Israeli Forbes in the list of the 165 richest Jews in the world. However, as facts show, the president’s father changed his last name not before his son entered the university, but a little later. After Poroshenko Sr. became a defendant in a criminal case.

It is no secret that in the 80s in the USSR, due to a total deficit on the one hand and weakening of police control on the other, petty theft of state property flourished in full bloom - the so-called “nonsense” appeared. It was precisely with his “resourcefulness” and “enterprising spirit” in this direction that Alexey Ivanovich interested the competent authorities.

On June 11, 1986, the family of the current Ukrainian politician was overtaken by shocking news. On this day, a native of the village of Sofyany, Izmailovsky district, Odessa region of the Ukrainian SSR, Valtsman A.I., Jew, citizen of the USSR, expelled from the CPSU membership in connection with a criminal case, having a higher education, liable for military service, married, worked from September 26, 1977 to December 9, 1983 years director of the Bendery Experimental Repair Plant, was arrested and was under investigation awaiting sentencing. As Petro Poroshenko later described this period in his biography, “I was raised by the absence of my father at home.” The reason for the father's absence was modestly kept silent.

What did our Alexey Ivanovich Valtsman do?

In the dry language of the sentence, he was accused of committing crimes under Articles 155, 123, 184, Part 1, Art. 220 part 2, art. 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR and the Criminal Code of the RSFSR:

- “deliberate additions to state statistical reporting and provision of distorted reporting data on the implementation of plans,” which was then considered “anti-state actions harmful to the national economy of the USSR” (Article 155, Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “theft of state property by abuse of one’s official position, embezzlement and embezzlement, by prior conspiracy by a group of persons, again in the amount of 2,235 rubles 91 kopecks” (Article 123, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR as amended by the Decree of the Presidium of the MSSR Supreme Court of December 24, 1982 .);

- “illegal acquisition of property obtained by obviously criminal means, committed on a large scale” (Article 220, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “illegal possession of weapons” (Article 227 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR).

The sentence was lenient, it was already a vegetarian time: “five years of imprisonment with confiscation of property, with deprivation of the right to occupy leadership positions for a period of five years, with serving the sentence in a high-security penal colony.” This is such a petty provincial scam. Who knows: maybe then, deprived of the opportunity to occupy leadership positions, the father thought about promoting his son to a leadership position? But most likely the loving father took care of the child’s career in advance. It is not possible that his studies at a prestigious department were paid for with bribes from money obtained through ordinary theft.

How could the son of the director of a small factory from provincial Bendery enter the prestigious Kiev State University in the prestigious Faculty of International Law and International Relations in 1982? The Valtsman-Poroshenko family probably needed a lot of money for this. Most likely, at the end of December 1981 - beginning of January 1982, Waltsman Sr. decided to “play” with state statistical reporting in order to mislead the state and thus get “slightly” rich.

In 1983, Alexey Poroshenko went to work as the head of SPMK-7 of the Moldselkhozmontazh trust and moved to Tiraspol.

Little Tiraspol, small SPMK, small salary.... And the sons are growing up!

Therefore, nothing prevented the conscience of Alexei Poroshenko from taking two coils of enameled cable worth 204 rubles from his native enterprise. 16 kopecks, buy on the cheap 64 liters of stolen rectified alcohol for a total amount of 1629 rubles. 48 kopecks, dilute it with water and open a small business selling alcohol surrogate.

Such labors resulted in five years of imprisonment with confiscation of property... As they say, in order to steal and not get caught, you need to be able to steal on a grand scale. This truth has apparently been well understood by Poroshenko Jr., who himself often gets confused in explaining how a shipbuilding plant, a confectionery factory and a TV channel came into his possession. And it turned out to be more profitable to sell candies with benzopyrene than to “water” industrial alcohol.

The real name of Petro Poroshenko is Valtsman. Poroshenko is the surname of the oligarch’s mother, who is also Jewish.

In 2009, Poroshenko bought from Yushchenko the title of Hero of Ukraine for his father, one of the first industrial speculators in the USSR.

Alexey Valtsman (father of Petro Poroshenko) was born on June 11, 1936 in the village of Safyany, Izmail district, Odessa region, into a family of small Jewish merchants.

In 1956, Alexey Valtsman married Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko and at the same time changed his surname from Valtsman to Poroshenko.

In 1974, he took the position of director of the Bendery Research Experimental and Repair Plant in the Moldavian SSR, where he became one of the first workshop workers (underground millionaire) in the USSR.

On November 29, 1985, Alexey Poroshenko was detained by the city department of internal affairs of Bendery for theft of material assets on an especially large scale; an arrest warrant was issued on December 2, 1985.

Alexey Poroshenko spent the next six months of pre-trial investigation in a pre-trial detention center in Bendery. On July 20, 1986, Alexey Poroshenko was sentenced by the criminal board of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR under articles 155-1, 123 part 2, 220 part 2, 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR to 5 years in prison with serving the sentence in a correctional facility. general regime labor colony, confiscation of property and deprivation of the right to occupy leadership positions for a period of 5 years (criminal case No. 2-121/86).

In 2009, Poroshenko bought the title of Hero of Ukraine from Yushchenko for his father.

http://ukrgeroes.narod.ru/PoroshenkoOI.html

Poroshenko is Yushchenko's godfather. Yushchenko became the godfather of Poroshenko's two daughters.

He was suspected of involvement in corruption on an especially large scale, in open lobbying, in falsifying the 2003 budget as chairman of the budget committee of the Rada (during the redistribution of local budgets of Vinnitsa, Vinnytsia region and Cherkasy, standards were illegally increased by 11 million hryvnia, while 4.5 million hryvnia were sent to the district where Poroshenko himself was elected), in tax evasion, in illegal transactions to buy shares of enterprises, in threats of physical violence against political opponents and business competitors.

Most likely, it was Poroshenko (together with the former head of the criminal investigation department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Viktor Korol) who developed and carried out a plan for the high-profile murder of journalist Gongadze in order to destabilize the internal political situation in Little Russia. He was closely associated with Boris Berezovsky, and was friends with the famous Georgian-Jewish mafioso David Zhvania.

http://goldnike-777.blogspot.com/2014/02/blog-post_14.html

Previously, in the ranking of rich people of Jewish nationality compiled by Forbes magazine, Rinat Akhmetov took 11th place with a fortune estimated at $15.4 billion, and Petro Poroshenko was 130th with $1.6 billion. Viktor Pinchuk also entered the ranking with $3.8 billion , who is also of Jewish origin.

However, Igor Kolomoisky, who is the president of the European Jewish Council and whose fortune is estimated at $2.01 billion, was not included in the list of the richest Jews for some reason. The compilers of the rating did not mention the president of the Dnepropetrovsk Jewish community Gennady Bogolyubov with a fortune of $1.46 billion.

In the photo: February 1, 2014. Ukrainian opposition leaders Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Vitaliy Klitschko agreed with US Secretary of State John Kerry on concrete steps to resolve the political crisis in Ukraine. Petro Poroshenko spoke about this. The meeting between the opposition and the US Secretary of State took place as part of a security conference in Munich. According to Poroshenko, the parties “agreed on concrete steps, and not just expressions of solidarity with the Ukrainian people.”

The elected president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, has no Jewish roots. This is evidenced by the family tree of the politician and businessman, published by his election headquarters. According to this document, the ancestors and relatives of the new head of state bore exclusively Ukrainian surnames: Poroshenko, Rudenko and Ivanenko on his father’s side; Grigorchuk and Lazarenko on their mother’s side.

During the election campaign, Poroshenko’s opponents actively voiced the version about his Jewish origin. As the IzRus portal reported, an unexpected argument in support of it was a recording of an interview posted on the Internet after the elections with Yakov Dov Bleich, the chief rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine according to the Karlin-Stolin Hasidim, dated 2007. In the video, Bleich tells a journalist from the 1+1 TV channel that he is friends “with Poroshenko... who is Channel 5... who is also a Jew.”

Alexander Levin, president of the World Forum of Russian-Speaking Jewry, commented on the appearance of the rabbi’s statement on the Internet. “Before Petro Poroshenko became President of Ukraine, he already became a Jew,” he noted. “I respect rabbis, but we all must admit that the position has not yet made anyone a Jew, and it is not a fact that all smart people who have a good attitude towards to other peoples, necessarily Jews."

vA video recording of an interview with Yakov Dov Bleich, the chief rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine according to the Karlin-Stolin Hasidim, dated 2007, which surfaced on the Internet today, gives rise to doubts about the nationality of the politician, who, apparently, is destined to take the post of president of the country.

During a conversation with a journalist from the 1+1 TV channel, Bleich names famous Ukrainian Jews with whom he is familiar. “I am still friends with Surkis - he is no longer in politics, thank God... And I am very friendly with Poroshenko... who is Channel 5... who is also a Jew. And with Chervonenko - with all the Jews who are on - ko," says the rabbi.

Ukrainian media have long “suspected” that Petro Poroshenko has Jewish roots, periodically claiming that his real name is Valtsman. As the IzRus portal reported, in April last year, the publication by the Israeli publication Forbes Israel of a ranking of the richest Jews in Ukraine shocked the businessman. As Ukrainian media reported, Poroshenko's press secretary Irina Friz asked Forbes Israel to remove him from the list.

The editors of Forbes presented the full biographical information of the businessman, from which it follows that he is Ukrainian. However, as Ukrainian media noted, the editors of the Israeli publication stated that they compiled the rating based on several studies, as well as information from their own sources. However, Poroshenko's last name was removed.

The United States appointed Hasidic Jew Yatsenyuk as the leader of the Ukrainian opposition. Klitschko and Tyagnibok are assigned the role of extras, necessary to create the illusion of democratic choice.

President Poroshenko (Waltsman) is the end of the rest of Ukraine. Thieves' dynasty

44-year-old Moldovan Jew Pyotr Alekseevich Poroshenko (née Valtsman, who took his mother’s surname) - a native of the Odessa region - is eager to become president. There is, of course, nothing wrong with a Jew becoming president. For example, in Israel all the leaders of the state are Jews, and yet we see a successful state. But why does Peter Valtsman hide his nationality? Why does he declare himself a Ukrainian, and even a Ukrainian nationalist? Why does he support anti-Semitic Nazis from the Right Sector and other nationalist organizations?

The answer is obvious - he is a scumbag, a thief and a scoundrel. And this is how he was born, unfortunately for everyone...

Every Jewish family has its own secret, one or more. In this sense, the Poroshenko-Valtsman family is no different from others. Its members do not like to remember the events of the mid-80s of the last century. And not because Petya Poroshenko, who entered the Faculty of International Relations and International Law at Kyiv State University in 1982, was a poor student. That's not why at all.

In 1956, Alexei Valtsman, the father of Petro Poroshenko, married Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko and changed his surname from Valtsman to Poroshenko. And this, of course, is not a crime, although it already clearly characterizes Alexei Valtsman...

It is no secret that in the 80s in the USSR petty theft of state property flourished in full bloom - the so-called “nonsense” appeared. And Alexey Ivanovich became known to the competent authorities for his “resourcefulness” and “enterprise.”

On June 11, 1986, a native of the village of Sofyany, Izmailovsky district, Odessa region of the Ukrainian SSR, Valtsman A.I., Jew, citizen of the USSR, expelled from the CPSU members in connection with this case, having a higher education, liable for military service, married, worked from September 26, 1977 to December 9 1983, director of the Bendery Experimental Repair Plant, was arrested and was under investigation awaiting sentencing.

What did our Alexey Ivanovich Valtsman do?

He was accused of committing crimes under Articles 155, 123, 184, Part 1, Art. 220 part 2, art. 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR and the Criminal Code of the RSFSR:

- “deliberate additions to state statistical reporting and provision of distorted reporting data on the implementation of plans,” which was then considered “anti-state actions harmful to the national economy of the USSR” (Article 155, Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “theft of state property by abuse of one’s official position, embezzlement and embezzlement, by prior conspiracy by a group of persons, again in the amount of 2,235 rubles 91 kopecks” (Article 123, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR as amended by the Decree of the Presidium of the MSSR Supreme Court of December 24, 1982 .);

- “illegal acquisition of property obtained by obviously criminal means, committed on a large scale” (Article 220, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “illegal possession of weapons” (Article 227 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR).

The sentence was lenient, the time was already vegetarian: “FIVE YEARS OF IMPRISONMENT WITH CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY, WITH THE DEPRIVATION OF THE RIGHT TO OCCUPY MANAGEMENT POSITIONS FOR A PERIOD OF FIVE YEARS, WITH SERVING THE PUNISHMENT IN A GENERAL REGIME CORRECTIONAL LABOR COLONY.”

This is such a petty provincial scam.

How could the son of the director of a small factory from provincial Bendery enter the prestigious Kiev State University in the prestigious Faculty of International Law and International Relations in 1982? The Valtsman-Poroshenko family probably needed a lot of money for this. Most likely, at the end of December 1981 - beginning of January 1982, Waltsman Sr. decided to “play” with state statistical reporting in order to mislead the state and thus get “slightly” rich.

In 1983, Alexey Poroshenko went to work as the head of SPMK-7 of the Moldselkhozmontazh trust and moved to Tiraspol.

Little Tiraspol, small SPMK, small salary.... And the sons are growing up!

Therefore, nothing prevented the conscience of Alexei Poroshenko from taking two coils of enameled cable worth 204 rubles from his native enterprise. 16 kopecks, buy 64 liters of stolen rectified alcohol at a cheap price for a total of 1629 rubles. 48 kopecks, dilute it with water and open a small business selling alcohol surrogate.

Such labors resulted in FIVE YEARS of imprisonment with confiscation of property...


So, little by little, our great mighty Soviet Union was taken away by all sorts of parashenkas.

Alexei Valtsman’s son, Petro Poroshenko, took after his father. Only a different time has come, and it flourished in independent Ukraine, like mold on a spoiled loaf of bread. He stole anything and everything. This scoundrel had nothing sacred. As they say, the genes took their toll.

Now this thief has a new super task in turn - now he intends to steal Ukraine and privatize the post of President for himself. True, his Ukraine has already shrunk to the size of Kyiv and the region, but Peter Valtsman is ready to go to the end. If it is necessary to destroy the entire people of Ukraine for the sake of his own selfishness, he is ready for that too. And it’s been ready for a long time. Perhaps, even from those very times when Waltsman Sr. became his example in this matter.

Sergey Kotvitsky,
Central News Agency of Novorossiya

Poroshenko Petro Alekseevich is a Ukrainian statesman and political figure, businessman. According to the latest Forbes estimates (February 2013), he ranks 5th among Ukrainian rich people (net worth: $1.8 billion). People's Deputy of Ukraine of the VII convocation, non-factional. Founder and honorary president of the Ukrprominvest concern.
People's Deputy of Ukraine from 1998 to 2005 and from 2006 to 2007, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine from February to September 2005. Head of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine from 2007 to 2012. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine from 2009 to 2010. Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine from March to November 2012.

His parents: Alexey Ivanovich Poroshenko (nee Valtsman) and Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko, got married in 1956. Petro Poroshenko was born on September 26, 1965 in Bolgrad (Odessa region). In 1989 he graduated from the Faculty of International Relations and International Law of Kyiv University. T. Shevchenko, majoring in international economics. In 2002, he defended his Ph.D. thesis “Legal regulation of the management of state corporate rights in Ukraine.”

After receiving a higher education, Poroshenko started his own business selling cocoa beans. In the 1990s, he acquired several confectionery businesses. Subsequently, he united them into the Roshen group, which became the largest manufacturer of confectionery products in Ukraine. The confectionery industry enterprises he created brought him a fortune and the nickname “Chocolate King.”
Approximately half of Roshen Corporation's exports go to Russia.
Owns, among other things, the Lipetsk confectionery factory.
In 1990-1991 Poroshenko worked as deputy general director of the Association of Small Businesses and Entrepreneurs "Republic". In 1991-1993 - General Director of JSC Exchange House "Ukraine". In 1993-1998. - General Director of CJSC Ukrainian Industrial and Investment Concern (Ukrprominvest), President of OJSC Leninskaya Kuznya Plant, Chairman of the Board of JSCB Mriya, Chairman of the Supervisory Board of OJSC Vinnitsa Confectionery Factory.

Currently, Poroshenko’s business empire also includes several automobile and bus factories (Lutsk Automobile Plant, Bogdan Corporation), the Leninskaya Kuznya shipyard, the Fifth Channel TV channel and a number of other enterprises.
The portfolio of Poroshenko’s corporation also included media assets. In 2011, Petro Poroshenko, in partnership with the founder and president of UMH group Boris Lozhkin, acquired the KP Media company (Korrespondent magazine, portals korrespondent.net, bigmir.net, etc.) from American businessman Jed Sanden. In addition, Poroshenko and Lozhkin jointly owned the stations “Our Radio”, “Retro FM”, and Next. In 2013, Boris Lozhkin exercised an option to purchase Petro Poroshenko’s share in KP Media and the radio business. “I believe that our cooperation with UMH has been very fruitful,” Poroshenko said.
Poroshenko has traditionally been among the richest Ukrainians. Thus, in the summer of 2006, experts estimated his assets at $505 million. With this figure, he was in 15th place in the list of the 30 wealthiest Ukrainians compiled by Korrespondent magazine. In 2007, experts from Focus magazine counted Poroshenko's $756 million, giving him 18th place in the top 100 Ukrainian rich people.
A year later, that Focus estimated the assets of the president’s godfather at $1,450 billion (13th place in the list of domestic moneybags), and Korrespondent - at $1,120 billion (22nd place).

Poroshenko first won a seat in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) in 1998. He was initially a member of the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (United), the most loyal political party to President Leonid Kuchma at the time. Poroshenko left the SDPU(o) in 2000 to create an independent center-left faction, Solidarity. In 2001, Poroshenko played an important role in the creation of the Party of Regions, also loyal to Kuchma. However, in December 2001, he broke with Kuchma’s supporters, leading the campaign of Viktor Yushchenko’s opposition bloc “Our Ukraine”. After the parliamentary elections in March 2002, when Our Ukraine received the largest share of the vote, Poroshenko headed the budget committee in parliament.
Poroshenko was considered a close confidant of Viktor Yushchenko, who is the godfather of Poroshenko's daughters. Probably the richest businessman among Yushchenko's supporters, Poroshenko was often mentioned as one of the main sponsors of Our Ukraine and the Orange Revolution.
Nestor Shufrich stated in 2007 that “in December 2004, changes to the Constitution (political reform) were adopted thanks to Poroshenko and Lytvyn, who immediately wanted to cut down the power behind Yushchenko’s back. They wanted to pass Law 3207-1 so that changes to the Constitution would come into force on September 1, 2005... Poroshenko, who expected to become prime minister, together with Lytvyn would become the two absolute masters of Ukraine.”
In the parliamentary elections in March 2006, Poroshenko was re-elected to the Ukrainian parliament on the list of the Our Ukraine electoral bloc. He chaired the parliamentary committee on finance and banking.

The politician, despite his rich experience in being in the opposition, does not believe that being in it is honorable. “If this goes on for too long, opposition can transform into criticism, becoming an end in itself,” he believes. And about his party he said this: “No matter what our fierce “friends” on the left and right predict for our political force, Our Ukraine has serious resources and plans for the future.” By the way, according to some observers, Poroshenko is partly to blame for the fact that following the results of the 2006 parliamentary elections the “orange” coalition consisting of Our Ukraine, BYuT and the SPU did not form. It is alleged that while Poroshenko was laying claim to the position of speaker of the Ukrainian parliament, the Socialist Party decided to join the Alliance of National Unity because it promised the position of speaker to socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz if a coalition was formed. Poroshenko allegedly insisted to the last on the chair of the Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada for himself, as a result of which SPU leader Alexander Moroz, who claimed him, decided on an alliance with the Party of Regions and the Communists. As a result, Poroshenko with Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko bloc were left without representation in the government.

Poroshenko has long-standing and close relations with Viktor Yushchenko - both political and friendly. The owner of Ukrprominvest is the godfather of the third president. After the Orange Revolution, in which he was one of the most active participants, Poroshenko said that he was responding to Yushchenko’s call to separate business from politics. Management of the Ukrprominvest concern passed (at least formally) to his father Alexey Poroshenko, who took over the post of general director. However, from time to time, the politician’s enemies accused him that the division occurred only in words.

One of the pages of Poroshenko’s biography is connected with the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. He was the secretary of this significant structure from February to September 2005. He lost his post as a result of a scandal involving accusations of the president’s inner circle of corruption and lobbying for personal interests. Then it all started with a scandalous press conference by Secretary of State Alexander Zinchenko. The strongest barrage of criticism (especially from the lips of recent political ally Yulia Tymoshenko) fell precisely on Poroshenko and his party colleagues Nikolai Martynenko, Alexander Tretyakov, and David Zhvania.
“Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Poroshenko, first assistant to the president Tretyakov, several of their assistants, in particular Martynenko, are cynically implementing their plan to use power for their own purposes,” said Alexander Zinchenko.
Zinchenko accused Poroshenko of using official powers and redividing property: “Ask businessmen in Crimea, Odessa region... Beyond cynicism is Poroshenko’s desire to turn the NSDC into a full-fledged NKVD.” “The smugglers were returned to customs and they are ‘paying’ their benefactors in full, and shadow privatization schemes have been resumed.” He accused them of intentions to appropriate the media, “power pressure schemes.”
According to Zinchenko, first assistant Tretyakov “recreates the methods of Sergei Levochkin,” “he monopolized access to the president, cut him off from the flow of information, and disorganized the president’s schedule.” “Poroshenko, Tretyakov and the campaign, appoint their own, feel free in the privatization processes,” he added.
Alexander Zinchenko also stated that at recent meetings with the president he repeatedly told him that his further stay was possible only under the condition of Poroshenko’s dismissal.

Since February 2007, Poroshenko headed the board of the National Bank of Ukraine, his three-year term in office expired on February 23, 2010, but only on April 26, 2012, the NBU Council met for a meeting (for the first time since March 2010), at which its new head was Igor Prasolov was elected.
On October 7, 2009, Ukrainian President Yushchenko nominated Poroshenko for the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Poroshenko was appointed by the Verkhovna Rada on October 9, 2009. On October 12, 2009, Yushchenko returned Poroshenko to the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.
Poroshenko supports Ukraine’s accession to NATO and said in December 2009: “I believe that this can be done in a year, in two, if there is political will, if there is a desire from society, if there is public support for the politicians who are doing this, if there is a clear and correct information policy.” At the same time, he noted that the goal for Ukraine should not be joining NATO itself, but carrying out reforms, strengthening the country’s security and improving people’s living standards.
On March 11, 2010, along with the entire Cabinet of Ministers, he was dismissed by the new President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych.
In December 2011, information appeared in the Segodnya newspaper that Petro Poroshenko could replace Konstantin Grishchenko as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Poroshenko himself said that he does not intend to go to work in the government. According to Ukrayinska Pravda sources, Poroshenko sought to retain the Foreign Ministry after Yanukovych was elected president in February 2010, but by the end of 2011 he had already significantly lost interest in this position.

In 2011, Poroshenko sold the Radomyshl brewery and a 30% stake in the Simferopol Auto Repair Plant. To pay off the debt, he gave 80% of the shares of the Cherkasy Bus plant. The businessman compensated for his farewell to property in some industries with high-profile acquisitions in others. The structures under his control successfully completed the purchase of a modified starch production enterprise in the German city of Zeitz, and at the end of the year the Antimonopoly Committee gave the go-ahead for the acquisition of a stake in Firm Ekran LLC (Maximum TV brand).

On February 23, 2012, President Viktor Yanukovych, after a meeting with Petro Poroshenko, announced that the latter had been offered the post of Minister of Economy. According to the Ukrainian Kommersant, Yanukovych and Poroshenko met at least two more times and discussed issues of the ministry’s work. The basis for the negotiations was the so-called Poroshenko reform plan.
On March 23, 2012, Yanukovych, after another meeting with Poroshenko, signed a decree appointing him Minister of Economic Development and Trade.

Poroshenko returned to parliament after receiving more than 70% of the votes in single-mandate district No. 12 in the Vinnytsia region in the 2012 parliamentary elections. In connection with his election as a deputy, he was dismissed from the post of minister.
On December 12, 2012, he stated that he did not intend to join any faction in parliament. Poroshenko applied for the post of head of the parliamentary economic policy committee, but did not agree to the condition of joining the Batkivshchyna faction. As a result, he became a member of the Committee on European Integration.
In March 2013, Poroshenko expressed his intention to take part in the elections for the mayor of Kyiv if he received the support of the parliamentary opposition.

During Euromaidan he supported the protesters. He often performed on the Maidan. The press reported that Poroshenko is the sponsor of the Maidan. In an interview with Novaya Gazeta, he admitted that he was “sponsoring the revolution with food, water, firewood.”
After clashes with the police on Grushevsky Street in January 2014, he promised to restore the Dynamo stadium and paving stones on Grushevsky Street.
On February 28, 2014, during the aggravation of the political crisis in Crimea, Petro Poroshenko arrived in Simferopol, as a representative of the new Ukrainian authorities, to meet with deputies of the Supreme Council of Crimea. Residents greeted him with shouts of “Russia”, “Berkut”, “Get out of Crimea!” and threw papers at him. Poroshenko left in a taxi, into which the police put him.
March 29, 2014 - registered with the Central Election Commission of Ukraine as a presidential candidate.

Vladimir Skomarovsky, David Zhvania, Viktor Korol, Arsen Avakov, Yuriy Stets, Oksana Bilozir are considered close to Petro Poroshenko. At one time, Poroshenko worked quite closely with MP-businessman Nikolai Martynenko. According to some reports, this political duo controlled the FM radio “Niko”.

At the beginning of 2000, according to Kompanion, Poroshenko was part of the same “interest group” with the then head of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine Mykola Azarov and the former head of the presidential administration Vladimir Lytvyn. The latter was at one time credited with involvement in the creation of the Solidarity deputy group in parliament.

In 2013, Poroshenko began the resuscitation of his pocket party “Solidarity”, led by his godfather Yuriy Stets. Released Yuriy Lutsenko, who, gathering various activists under the revelations of a “prisoner of conscience,” played a role. The goals of this project are obvious - to drag into their networks a large layer of “anti-spirits” who stay away from the promoted opposition brands.
The strength of Poroshenko’s position is ensured by a number of factors:
1. Diversified economic assets, including foreign ones (Russia, Europe), the value of which exceeds a billion dollars.
2. Own media, including the news Channel 5.
3. The presence of a base electoral region (Vinnytsia region), which ensures presence in the legislative bodies of power.
4.Good connections in the West and in Russia, which allows you to enlist their support at the right moments.

Weaknesses of Poroshenko's position:
1.Competition with other oligarchs, who benefit from a “pure politician” in power than from having an entity with its own economic interests. The development of the “Family” is a vivid illustration of what happens when such an entity begins to concentrate the executive vertical in its hands.
2.Lack of your own well-promoted political force that you can rely on.
3. Powerful competition in the opposition camp, where at the start there are players with more powerful electoral reserves, and Poroshenko claims precisely this segment.
4. The image of an oligarch, and in Ukraine, to put it mildly, they don’t like oligarchs.

On April 18, 2001, the then leader of the Yabluko faction, Mikhail Brodsky, said that Petro Poroshenko threatened him in connection with criticism of the chairman of the State Tax Administration, Nikolai Azarov. Petro Poroshenko denied these accusations.
Budget falsification
On March 13, 2002, one of the leaders of the SDPU (u) Nestor Shufrich accused the chairman of the parliamentary budget Petro Poroshenko of falsifying the 2003 budget. According to him, during the redistribution of local budgets in Vinnitsa, Vinnytsia region and Cherkassy, ​​standards were illegally increased by UAH 11 million. At the same time, 4.5 million UAH, Shufrich claims, were sent to the district where Petro Poroshenko was elected. The Prosecutor General's Office was instructed to study this issue. Poroshenko himself denied these accusations, calling them disinformation.

In 2003, the State Tax Administration in the Volyn region opened a criminal case accusing the leaders of the Lutsk Automobile Plant (LuAZ), which Petro Poroshenko controls through Ukrprominvest, of tax evasion. In July 2004, the Court of Appeal of the Volyn region declared such actions of tax officials unlawful.

In November 2003, a telephone conversation was published in which voices similar to those of Petro Poroshenko and the head of the board of Channel 5, Vladislav Lyasovsky, were heard. In it, a voice similar to the voice of Petro Poroshenko, in particular, rudely tries to explain to Lyasovsky that journalists were wrong in covering Viktor Yushchenko’s visit to Donetsk on October 31, 2003. In other words, if you believe the published records, Poroshenko tried to interfere in the editorial policy of the TV channel. Petro Poroshenko himself says that the recording was fake.

The General Prosecutor's Office of Ukraine accused the director of Leninskaya Kuznitsa OJSC (which, according to some sources, is controlled by Poroshenko) Petro Blindar of theft and misappropriation of 17 million UAH. According to the prosecutor's office, on April 23, 2001, Blindar entered into a fictitious agreement with the Baguette company and after transferring 17 million UAH to its account. spent these funds on the same day. On August 30, 2001, the mentioned company was liquidated and removed from the state register.
The arrested Peter Blindar was eventually released after demonstrations by Leninskaya Kuznitsa workers, and the case with accusations against the plant turned into a series of legal disputes, which the parties won with varying degrees of success.

One of the members of the parliamentary investigative commission involved in the Kolesnikov case, on condition of anonymity, told the Segodnya newspaper that Boris Viktorovich gave evidence regarding Pyotr Alekseevich.
“He said that he was invited to Poroshenko on April 1, 2005 for a conversation. The NSDC Secretary informed Kolesnikov that a criminal case was being prepared against him and Rinat Akhmetov. They say that the organizers want to receive shares in a number of Akhmetov enterprises, as well as television channels. Boris did not specify whether he believed that Pyotr Alekseevich acted as a friend who warned a comrade, or as an extortionist. If the second option, then the case has judicial prospects. If proven guilty, Poroshenko will face up to 12 years in prison for extortion.”
Kolesnikov himself told the story of a conversation with a certain person from Yushchenko’s circle more than once. He did not name names, but interpreted this conversation clearly as an attempt at extortion. Kolesnikov refused to confirm or deny his testimony on Poroshenko, saying that he would not say anything until the end of the commission’s work. Irina Friz, press secretary of Petro Poroshenko, said that she would only comment on the official report of the work of the parliamentary temporary investigative commission, and not gossip.

Former Deputy Prosecutor General Piskun Viktor Shokin, who initiated the case against Kolesnikov, said that he had never heard of offers to Kolesnikov to “buy back” his arrest, and he did not discuss this issue with either the then head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Yuriy Lutsenko or the then Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Poroshenko. He told “Today” about this, commenting on the information that in 2005 he, together with Poroshenko, proposed to the then Prosecutor General Svyatoslav Piskun to arrest Boris Kolesnikov and the brother of businessman Renat Akhmetov Igor and thus “earn” two billion dollars.
As is known, then the media wrote that Piskun also testified to the GPU in the “Kolesnikov case” and during interrogation allegedly said that shortly before Kolesnikov’s arrest, Poroshenko came to him and allegedly stated that he knew “how to earn 2 billion dollars.” . It is necessary, they say, to arrest Kolesnikov and brother Akhmetov, “then Rinat will give everything for the two of them.” Piskun, he said, refused. After which Poroshenko allegedly said: “Well then, we will go to your deputy Shokin.”

Poroshenko has an interest in several enterprises located in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova. The partner of the criminal businessman in Transnistria and the representative of his interests in the Odessa region is a former employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Transnistria with the rank of captain, a citizen of the Republic of Moldova, a native of the city of Bendery and a former classmate of P. Poroshenko, Voloshin Sergei, fired for a fight and injury to a subordinate. Petro Poroshenko and Voloshin S. have shares in the Moldavkabel plant, the Bendery oil extraction plant, the Bendery bakery plant, the brewery, the Tigina and Floare factories. In addition, Poroshenko, together with former adviser to President Yushchenko Youssef Hares, is a co-owner of the Transnistrian enterprise MMZ. This company has repeatedly appeared in scandals related to scrap metal smuggling and arms trafficking. While doing business, Petro Poroshenko was in close relations with the “statist” of Transnistria Mosenz Sergey, who, after Poroshenko took the position of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council in March 2005, was assassinated, as a result of which Mosenz S. died along with his driver and bodyguard. Poroshenko maintains criminal relations in the city of Bendery with a certain “Kura”, for whose gas stations he has been supplying fuel and lubricants from the Odessa region for a long time. In Tiraspol, Petro Poroshenko has shares in the Elektromash plant, where, among other things, the illegal production of various weapons systems has been established. The fact that Poroshenko has business interests in the Republic of Moldova led to his interest in participating in the development of a plan to regulate the Transnistrian conflict, which is known as the “Yushchenko plan”, but in reality is the FSB-Poroshenko plan.
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genshtab.info
Information: The most famous property in the Republic of Moldova, which Petro Poroshenko is trying to take possession of through criminal means, is the Jemeni commercial center. The “Jemeni” case has already become known throughout Europe and is under the control of the head of the Council of Europe commission for monitoring the Republic of Moldova, Josette Durrier. Lobbying the interests of the criminal regime of Smirnov-Antyufeev and paralyzing the “Smuggling-Stop” program, which ex-Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko sought to implement, Petro Poroshenko legalized smuggling on the Transnistrian section of the Moldovan-Ukrainian border, which was actually admitted by the representative of the European Commission Emma Udvin and that continues to affect us to this day. In addition, Poroshenko completely corrupted a group of officials occupying the highest positions in the Republic of Moldova, headed by the Secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, Ion Morei. Due to the fact that Poroshenko’s activities cause great harm to the security interests of the Republic of Moldova, the investigation department of the Transnistrian association “PRO EUROPA” is conducting an investigation into the activities of the “tentacles” of this transnational criminal clan in the Republic of Moldova. The “main tentacle” of this octopus, Ion Morei, is engaged in constant illegal interference in the actions of internal affairs bodies, the Prosecutor General’s Office and the judicial system. The goal is the violent and illegal takeover of JSC “Jemeni” by the transnational criminal clan “Poroshenko”. It is no secret to the public the fact of the cynical persecution of the administrator of the commercial center, Ilya Rotaru, by representatives of the authorities who should fight crime and corruption, but instead, following the wishes of Poroshenko, they are engaged in fabricating cases in the worst post-Soviet traditions. At the same time, the representative of Poroshenko’s criminal business interests in the Republic of Moldova, V. Ciofu, who was arrested for blackmail and extortion, was released, and documents from his case, indicating crimes committed and continuing to be committed by the transnational criminal clan “Poroshenko”, were illegally seized by employees Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption and transferred to Poroshenko himself. In general, the very fact that such a responsible position, directly related to the process of resolving the Transnistrian conflict as the post of Secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, is occupied by a person like Ion Morei, causes bewilderment. As the prosecutor of Balti, Morey ordered the murder of the director of the Balti market, Georgiy Grumatski. After this, the “prosecutor” was brought to the attention of the FSB of the Russian Federation, which during the time of Petro Lucinschi actually governed the Republic of Moldova. Morey was recruited by ex-FSB resident in the Republic of Moldova Valery Pasat, after which he was appointed Minister of Justice of the country. Today occupying the post of Secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, in addition to the interests of Poroshenko, Morey lobbies the interests of the group associated with transnational criminals Grigory Karamalak, with whose lawyer Oleg Lozan Morey studied together. At the same time, Morey does not hesitate to misinform President Vladimir Voronin, regularly distorting information. Also, from the time when Morey served as prosecutor of the city of Balti, he has provided special patronage to a gang of murderers, rapists and extortionists, consisting of 14 Cheban brothers, natives of the village. Belicheny, whom he repeatedly helped to avoid punishment. Moray also does not disdain banal thefts, reminiscent of kleptomania. Ion Morei was detained by the security service of store no. 1 in the Sun-City commercial center for stealing products worth 1,200 lei, which he committed while simultaneously making purchases for 1,500 lei. The fact that a person demonstrating such behavior is in a position that is important, including for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, forced the PRO EUROPA association to resort to the following extreme measure, applied only in exceptional cases.

He (Poroshenko) uses his position as Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine to lobby personal business interests that are clearly criminal in nature. In addition, Petro Poroshenko is a lobbyist for the interests of the criminal regime of Smirnov-Antyufeev in Ukraine. At one time, Smirnov paid Kuchma $2 million a month in exchange for the fact that the Ukrainian border with the Transnistrian section of the Moldovan border existed in the format of special checkpoints for smuggling. Among the variety of goods transported by several illegal schemes across this section of the border, a significant share is occupied by illegal supplies of weapons produced in Transnistria. The Investigation Department of the Transnistrian association "PRO EUROPA" managed to obtain copies of documents belonging to the Limited Group of Russian Forces and confirming the production of weapons on the territory of Transnistria, which the organization presents to the Ukrainian public. It should be noted that weapons deliveries go through the Kotovsky detachment of the State Border Service of Ukraine, then through the Ilyichevsk port to their destination. The Ilyichevsk port is controlled by an organized criminal group, in which the interests of Petro Poroshenko are significantly represented, who is thereby actually involved in the illegal transit of various weapons systems through the territory of Ukraine. Transnistrian weapons were supplied to illegal Abkhaz armed groups and gangs of the international criminal and terrorist Karadzic, whose actions were classified by the European Parliament as genocide. Poroshenko’s interest in the highest possible cargo turnover of the port has led to the fact that the decree of the Ukrainian government on the procedure for registering commercial transit operations involving economic agents of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova is currently being violated. After dozens of “Transnistrian” trains were detained in Ilyichevsk, Poroshenko carried out the corresponding “work” with the leaders of Kotovskaya customs and today smuggling passes the Ukrainian border unhindered. Poroshenko’s interests in the State Border Service of Ukraine are represented by First Deputy Pavel Shisholin, who personally oversees the inviolability of Transnistrian cargo, while having the audacity to declare that border guards keep the border with Transnistria locked, for which they use space communications. The head of Odessa customs, Alexander Simonov, is also involved in lobbying interests.” - Boris Asarov, Chairman of the Transnistrian association "PRO EUROPA"
***
Father, Poroshenko Alexey Ivanovich, born June 11, 1936, native of the village of Sofyany, Izmailovsky district, Odessa region of the Ukrainian SSR, Ukrainian, citizen of the USSR, expelled from the CPSU in connection with a criminal case, with higher education, liable for military service, married, worked since September 26, 1977 . to December 9, 1983 Director of the Bendery Experimental Repair Plant, awarded the Order of the Badge of Honor and the medal "For Valorous Labor". In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin", not convicted, living in Bendery, Tkachenko St., 14, apt. 28..." He was arrested and was under investigation and trial awaiting a verdict. He was accused of committing crimes under Art. 155, 123, 184 part 1, 220 part 2, 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR and the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. The Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR excluded some episodes of the case from the charges due to lack of evidence (bribe-giving), and for other episodes (abuse of official position) it decided to terminate the criminal case due to the lack of corpus delicti. Alexey Poroshenko was sentenced to 5 years in prison with confiscation of property, with deprivation of the right to hold leadership positions for a period of five years, with serving the sentence in a general regime correctional labor colony for:
- “deliberate additions to state statistical reporting and the presentation of distorted reporting data on the implementation of plans,” which was then considered (and even now it is not harmful to consider it so! - author) “anti-state actions harmful to the national economy of the USSR” (Article 155 p. 1 Criminal Code of the MSSR);
- “theft of state property by abuse of one’s official position, embezzlement and embezzlement, by prior conspiracy by a group of persons, again in the amount of 2,235 rubles 91 kopecks” (Article 123, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR as amended by the Decree of the Presidium of the MSSR Armed Forces of December 24, 1982 .);
- “illegal acquisition of property obtained by obviously criminal means, committed on a large scale” (Article 220, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);
- “illegal possession of weapons” (Article 227 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR).

Currently, Alexey Ivanovich is the General Director of the Ukrprominvest concern.
On June 25, 2009, Viktor Yushchenko awarded Alexey Poroshenko the title of Hero of Ukraine with the award of the Order of the Power.

Petro Poroshenko is married, his wife Marina Anatolyevna (born 1962) is a cardiologist, they have four children: son Alexey (born 1985), daughters Evgenia and Alexander (born 2000) and son Mikhail (2001 g.r.). The godparents of Evgenia and Alexandra are Viktor Yushchenko and Oksana Bilozir.

In 2009, the family of Petro Poroshenko completed the construction of a grandiose estate in the village of Kozin near Kiev. The territory of the new estate occupies, if estimated by eye, about one or two hectares.
Previously, this was the Chaika recreation center, which belonged to the Kyiv confectionery factory named after Karl Marx, owned by Poroshenko’s sister concern Ukrprominvest.

He was awarded the Order of Merit, II (in December 1998) and III (in September 1999), degrees, and the Grand Cross of the Spanish Order of Civil Merit. Winner of the award named after. Pylypa Orlika, holder of the Order of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, was awarded an honorary distinction from the Public Foundation of St. Andrew the First-Called.

Honored Economist of Ukraine (1997), laureate of the State Prize of Ukraine in the field of science and technology (1999), Candidate of Legal Sciences. In 2002, he defended his Ph.D. thesis “Legal regulation of the management of state corporate rights in Ukraine.”
Author of monographs “Public management of corporate rights in Ukraine. Theory of formation of legal relations" and a number of scientific publications. Co-author of the textbook “Modern International Economic Relations”.
In 2009, Petro Poroshenko was ordained a deacon on the feast of Trinity. Immediately after this, he took part in the procession, carrying the main icon of the holiday - the actual image of the Trinity.
Master of Sports in Judo.

The owner of “factories, newspapers, ships,” and since yesterday the President of Ukraine, elected in the first round of elections, Petro Poroshenko deeply honors the memory of his relatives. For example, in memory of his brother, a businessman, who died during a gang war in 1997, he built a chapel at Askold’s grave (by a strange coincidence, right next to it, two decades later, Right Sector militants who died in clashes with Berkut will be buried) ), and also called “Mikhail Poroshenko” a dry cargo ship built at the controlled shipbuilding plant “Leninskaya Kuznitsa” - this plant was still operating at full capacity. He appointed his son Alexey as the “supervisor” of the base region of the Poroshenko family - Vinnytsia. Oddly enough, Poroshenko Jr. was elected to the regional council here with the support of the Batkivshchyna party of Yulia Tymoshenko, Pyotr Alekseevich’s main competitor in the recent elections. In the Vinnytsia region, Petro Poroshenko tried to get his father into parliament in one of the majority constituencies. But very soon this “independent” candidate had to be removed from the election race. And it was not the poor health of Alexei Ivanovich, as stated in the official explanation, that became the reason for this. During the election campaign of Poroshenko-grandfather, some details of his biography surfaced that the family of Poroshenko-president would not like to make public.

Russian political scientist Oleg Matveychev in his blog publishes the results of his own investigation into the early years of the new Ukrainian president and the role of his father’s unsightly activities in the biography of our hero. Let's start with the fact that Pyotr Alekseevich does not really like to remember that Poroshenko is not the real name of his father. According to documents, born Alexei Valtsman, having married Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko in 1956, took his wife’s surname. In principle, the action is understandable: with the beginning of mass emigration to Israel, the authorities increasingly looked at Jews as potential fugitives from the USSR, universities had unspoken quotas for admitting representatives of unreliable nationalities, and it was unlikely that Peter Valtsman would have the opportunity to enroll in 1982 to the “fat” Faculty of International Relations and International Law of Kyiv State University. Let us repeat that tens of thousands of people did this at that time, and there would be nothing wrong with that. Moreover, the current Ukrainian president does not like to remember his Jewish roots; he reacted very painfully, for example, to his inclusion by Israeli Forbes in the list of the 165 richest Jews in the world. However, as facts show, the president’s father changed his last name not before his son entered the university, but a little later. After Poroshenko Sr. became a defendant in a criminal case.

It is no secret that in the 80s in the USSR, due to a total deficit on the one hand and weakening of police control on the other, petty theft of state property flourished in full bloom - the so-called “nonsense” appeared. It was precisely with his “resourcefulness” and “enterprising spirit” in this direction that Alexey Ivanovich interested the competent authorities.

On June 11, 1986, the family of the current Ukrainian politician was overtaken by shocking news. On this day, a native of the village of Sofyany, Izmailovsky district, Odessa region of the Ukrainian SSR, Valtsman A.I., Jew, citizen of the USSR, expelled from the CPSU membership in connection with a criminal case, having a higher education, liable for military service, married, worked from September 26, 1977 to December 9, 1983 years director of the Bendery Experimental Repair Plant, was arrested and was under investigation awaiting sentencing. As Petro Poroshenko later described this period in his biography, “I was raised by the absence of my father at home.” The reason for the father's absence was modestly kept silent.

What did our Alexey Ivanovich Valtsman do?

In the dry language of the sentence, he was accused of committing crimes under Articles 155, 123, 184, Part 1, Art. 220 part 2, art. 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR and the Criminal Code of the RSFSR:

- “deliberate additions to state statistical reporting and provision of distorted reporting data on the implementation of plans,” which was then considered “anti-state actions harmful to the national economy of the USSR” (Article 155, Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “theft of state property by abuse of one’s official position, embezzlement and embezzlement, by prior conspiracy by a group of persons, again in the amount of 2,235 rubles 91 kopecks” (Article 123, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR as amended by the Decree of the Presidium of the MSSR Supreme Court of December 24, 1982 .);

- “illegal acquisition of property obtained by obviously criminal means, committed on a large scale” (Article 220, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);

- “illegal possession of weapons” (Article 227 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR).

The sentence was lenient, it was already a vegetarian time: “five years of imprisonment with confiscation of property, with deprivation of the right to occupy leadership positions for a period of five years, with serving the sentence in a high-security penal colony.” This is such a petty provincial scam. Who knows: maybe then, deprived of the opportunity to occupy leadership positions, the father thought about promoting his son to a leadership position? But most likely the loving father took care of the child’s career in advance. It is not possible that his studies at a prestigious department were paid for with bribes from money obtained through ordinary theft.

How could the son of the director of a small factory from provincial Bendery enter the prestigious Kiev State University in the prestigious Faculty of International Law and International Relations in 1982? The Valtsman-Poroshenko family probably needed a lot of money for this. Most likely, at the end of December 1981 - beginning of January 1982, Waltsman Sr. decided to “play” with state statistical reporting in order to mislead the state and thus get “slightly” rich.

In 1983, Alexey Poroshenko went to work as the head of SPMK-7 of the Moldselkhozmontazh trust and moved to Tiraspol.

Little Tiraspol, small SPMK, small salary.... And the sons are growing up!

Therefore, nothing prevented the conscience of Alexei Poroshenko from taking two coils of enameled cable worth 204 rubles from his native enterprise. 16 kopecks, buy on the cheap 64 liters of stolen rectified alcohol for a total amount of 1629 rubles. 48 kopecks, dilute it with water and open a small business selling alcohol surrogate.

Such labors resulted in five years of imprisonment with confiscation of property... As they say, in order to steal and not get caught, you need to be able to steal on a grand scale. This truth has apparently been well understood by Poroshenko Jr., who himself often gets confused in explaining how a shipbuilding plant, a confectionery factory and a TV channel came into his possession. And it turned out to be more profitable to sell candies with benzopyrene than to “water” industrial alcohol.